Miscellaneous (한 + EN)

2020년 1월

2020-01-21 16:19
1. Some signs of the times

The avocado toast homeownership meme ("Hold my avocado"; The Avocado Dream) and a new Korean slang 'Fuckit-expense' (시발 비용)

2. Hong Kong protests and big tech firms

"After seven months of street protests against Beijing’s assault on these liberties, Hong Kong is color-coded — and bitterly divided. The yellow economy refers to the hue of umbrellas once used to defend demonstrators against pepper spray and streams of tear gas. That is in contrast to blue businesses, which support the police.

... The battle has gone online, too. Ken Leung helped create WhatsGap, a popular app in Hong Kong that maps businesses that are considered yellow, helping them draw customers. This month Google removed the app from its online store, saying it violated its policies related to sensitive events, but critics said the company might have been acting to placate China. Apple pulled a similar service from its app offerings last year."

— H. Beech (Jan 19, 2020). Yellow or blue? In Hong Kong, businesses choose political sides. The New York Times.

3. 반복되는 인생에 대해 생각해본 적 있는가

"조국 전 법무부 장관 가족의 생애를 모두 털어 ‘정의’를 세우겠다는 검찰과 인사권을 통해 ‘질서’를 바로잡겠다는 현 법무부 장관의 피비린내 나는 전투가 나라를 좌지우지하고 있다. 법과 제도는 바뀌어야 한다. 엉킨 매듭의 처음과 끝도 있을 것이다. 하지만 시스템을 바꾸고 이곳에서 저곳으로 권력이 이동하는 동안에도 여전히 우리 사무실 같은 곳을 찾는 벼랑 끝 사람들의 송사 인생은 반복된다. 그것을 막을 수 있다고 희망하는 낭만이 내게 남았다는 말을 하려는 것은 아니다. 오늘도 어딘가를 전전하고 있을 모녀의 하찮고 비루한 사연이 당신들 개혁의 파노라마에 있은 적 있냐, 묻고 싶어졌을 뿐이다.

길고 긴 이야기를 다 듣고 나서, 식사는 하셨냐 물었다. 그러자 마흔을 훌쩍 넘은 그는 어린아이처럼 오래 울었다. 가난하고 초라한 서류 더미에는 시큼하고 비릿한 냄새만 진동했다."

— 박진 (2020. 1. 27). 어느 모녀의 가난한 서류. <한겨레>.

4. 미러링

“세 칸 초가집에서 뽕을 심고 보리죽이라도 쑤며, 남편[광무; 윤회 후 ‘왕비 조수아’가 됨]의 뜻을 따르고 아주버니와 시누이를 공경하며 시부모를 봉양하였습니다. … 이렇듯 어려움을 함께한 신첩[곽씨; 윤회 후 ‘강왕’이 됨]을 후에 헌신짝처럼 버리니 신첩의 억울함과 원통함이 어찌 뼈에 사무치지 않겠습니까? … 이번 윤회에는 음양을 바꾸어 신첩은 여자가 아니라 남자가 되고, 저 유수는 여자가 되게 하여 복수할 수 있도록 하여 주시기를 바랍니다.”

[윤회 후 조수아(윤회 전 광무)에게] “자고로 남자[강왕; 윤회 전 곽씨]가 새로운 여자를 밝히는 것은 인지상정이오. 필부도 부인 하나 첩 하나는 두는데 어찌 이렇게 투기를 과격히 하여 과인을 욕보이는가?”

한조삼성기봉, 장서각본 권1; 김수연, 2016, 27-28쪽에서 재인용.

5. "Why direct action?"

"You may well ask: "Why direct action? Why sit ins, marches and so forth? Isn't negotiation a better path?" You are quite right in calling for negotiation. Indeed, this is the very purpose of direct action. Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored. My citing the creation of tension as part of the work of the nonviolent resister may sound rather shocking. But I must confess that I am not afraid of the word "tension." I have earnestly opposed violent tension, but there is a type of constructive, nonviolent tension which is necessary for growth. Just as Socrates felt that it was necessary to create a tension in the mind so that individuals could rise from the bondage of myths and half truths to the unfettered realm of creative analysis and objective appraisal, so must we see the need for nonviolent gadflies to create the kind of tension in society that will help men rise from the dark depths of prejudice and racism to the majestic heights of understanding and brotherhood. The purpose of our direct action program is to create a situation so crisis packed that it will inevitably open the door to negotiation. I therefore concur with you in your call for negotiation. Too long has our beloved Southland been bogged down in a tragic effort to live in monologue rather than dialogue.

... My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain in civil rights without determined legal and nonviolent pressure. Lamentably, it is an historical fact that privileged groups seldom give up their privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see the moral light and voluntarily give up their unjust posture; but, as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups tend to be more immoral than individuals.

We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct action campaign that was "well timed" in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. For years now I have heard the word "Wait!" It rings in the ear of every Negro with piercing familiarity. This "Wait" has almost always meant "Never." We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that "justice too long delayed is justice denied."

We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we still creep at horse and buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter. Perhaps it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging darts of segregation to say, "Wait." But when you have seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at will and drown your sisters and brothers at whim; when you have seen hate filled policemen curse, kick and even kill your black brothers and sisters; when you see the vast majority of your twenty million Negro brothers smothering in an airtight cage of poverty in the midst of an affluent society; when you suddenly find your tongue twisted and your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your six year old daughter why she can't go to the public amusement park that has just been advertised on television, and see tears welling up in her eyes when she is told that Funtown is closed to colored children, and see ominous clouds of inferiority beginning to form in her little mental sky, and see her beginning to distort her personality by developing an unconscious bitterness toward white people; when you have to concoct an answer for a five year old son who is asking: "Daddy, why do white people treat colored people so mean?"; when you take a cross county drive and find it necessary to sleep night after night in the uncomfortable corners of your automobile because no motel will accept you; when you are humiliated day in and day out by nagging signs reading "white" and "colored"; when your first name becomes "nigger," your middle name becomes "boy" (however old you are) and your last name becomes "John," and your wife and mother are never given the respected title "Mrs."; when you are harried by day and haunted by night by the fact that you are a Negro, living constantly at tiptoe stance, never quite knowing what to expect next, and are plagued with inner fears and outer resentments; when you are forever fighting a degenerating sense of "nobodiness"--then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait. There comes a time when the cup of endurance runs over, and men are no longer willing to be plunged into the abyss of despair. I hope, sirs, you can understand our legitimate and unavoidable impatience. You express a great deal of anxiety over our willingness to break laws. This is certainly a legitimate concern. Since we so diligently urge people to obey the Supreme Court's decision of 1954 outlawing segregation in the public schools, at first glance it may seem rather paradoxical for us consciously to break laws. One may well ask: "How can you advocate breaking some laws and obeying others?" The answer lies in the fact that there are two types of laws: just and unjust. I would be the first to advocate obeying just laws. One has not only a legal but a moral responsibility to obey just laws. Conversely, one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws. I would agree with St. Augustine that "an unjust law is no law at all."

... I must make two honest confessions to you, my Christian and Jewish brothers. First, I must confess that over the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate. I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to "order" than to justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says: "I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I cannot agree with your methods of direct action"; who paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man's freedom; who lives by a mythical concept of time and who constantly advises the Negro to wait for a "more convenient season." Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will. Lukewarm acceptance is much more bewildering than outright rejection.

... Actually, we who engage in nonviolent direct action are not the creators of tension. We merely bring to the surface the hidden tension that is already alive. We bring it out in the open, where it can be seen and dealt with. Like a boil that can never be cured so long as it is covered up but must be opened with all its ugliness to the natural medicines of air and light, injustice must be exposed, with all the tension its exposure creates, to the light of human conscience and the air of national opinion before it can be cured."

— M. L. King Jr. (April 16, 1963). Letter from a Birmingham Jail.

6. 好

"휘어진 내 삶을 가만히 만져본다. 매끄럽지 않고 이유를 알 수 없는 돌기로 가득한 모서리를 손바닥 살에 문질러본다. 날카로운 통증에 비명 지르지 않고 조용히 그 통증을 생각한다. 나를 아프게 했던 것들을 생각한다. 이름 없는 것들을 생각한다. 빼앗겼거나 지워졌거나, 모호하고 흐릿한 이름을 지닌 모두를 생각한다. 버티고 살아남은 그 안간힘을 위해 소리 없는 찬사를 마음속에 되뇌어본다, 기록한다.

덧. 고백하건대 성 확정 수술을 받고 법적 성별도 바꾸었지만, 지금까지 ‘트랜스젠더’라는 이름조차 단 한번도 내 것 같지 않았음을 밝힌다. 영 어색하고 부대꼈다. 그리하여 이제부터는 ‘남녀’가 같이 붙은 한자 ‘호’(好)를 새로운 나의 이름으로 쓰면 어떨까 생각한다. 그래서 앞으로 내가 적을 이야기의 제목은 ‘달려라, 오십호(好)’."

김비 (2020. 1. 18). 나에게 오십은 '트로피'였다. <한겨레>.

7. 통역은 신성하다

"봉준호 감독의 또 다른 영화 '옥자'에서 어눌한 한국어로 통역하는 케이(스티브 연)의 팔뚝엔 이런 문신이 새겨져 있다. "Translations are sacred(통역은 신성하다)." 마음에 말을 얹어 배달하는 일. 작은 언어 배달부들이 세상을 연결한다."

— 김미리 (2019. 12. 21). 봉준호 美 돌풍에는 '신성한 통역'이 있었다. <조선일보>.